Aramex Product Strategy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Aramex Product Strategy - Essay Example For a very long time, the company had focused its attention on the areas of international and domestic express, freight forwarding, and logistics. But due to the need to retain its stage on the product lifecycle as a maturing company, there has been the introduction of the shopping and shipping system as a new product development to match up the new class. With this new dimension, the company is able to deal with a larger population size without thinking of proximity as a limitation2. This is said against the backdrop that the company is fired up now to use the power of technology not only to make customers visit their shops to buy products, but to shop online and have their products shipped to them. As far as the new paradigm is concerned, it can be said that the major core physical service offered by Aramex is electronic commerce, which is commonly called e-commerce. This is actually imbedded in the shop and ship system of business whereby customers are enabled to make purchases online via the use of the internet. Judging from the modern business trend, there is no way that Aramex could exempt itself from this new dimension and expect to see any forms of phenomenal growth3. This is because the birth of modern technology is making all stakeholders begin to look for the easiest ways out to achieve the same kind of results that they attained in the past years. There is no denying the fact that the use of electronic system of commerce reduces the staff-customer personal and face-to-face interaction4. This notwithstanding, Aramex has not been enticed to forget about the importance of customer service and the need to ensuring customer satisfaction. The company actually guarantees customer service and customer satisfaction through a 24 hour customer support unit where all complaints and questions of customers are addressed on an instantaneous and live basis. These customers also have a feedback system

Opening a Mr. Goodscents in Finland Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Opening a Mr. Goodscents in Finland - Essay Example Mr. Good cents are franchisee who always considers to holdup the concept values of trust, integrity and respect. The Good cents registered establishment is represented by an icon figure developed from a penny. In 1909 the US government had introduced this one cent coin featuring with the 16th president Abraham Lincoln. The coin had got more popularity and was highly circulated. The popularity of the penny may vanish when time passes. Since Mr. Good cents have considered this penny as their logo they can enjoy its traditional value for a very long time. The muscle power observed in the hands and legs of Good cents icons resemble the strength and ability of experienced hardships. This is the symbols of dedicated hard work in an individual’s life span. The icon’s smiling face expresses pride, enjoyment and excitement that he has been experiencing by serving his customers. The icon also indicates satisfaction in providing high quality healthy products to the community. Mr. Good cents subs and pastas restaurants and franchisee are committed to keep up the above-mentioned traditions since its establishment. Their establishment in Finland has influenced the country’s culture and lifestyle to a great deal. The people of Finland are the admirers of Good cents products. Their masterpiece munue have too much popularity among them. Usually their masterpiece items are 18 varieties of sub sandwiches prepared from fresh deli meats. They are the master servers of delicious desserts, salads, soups and pastas which are considered as highly nutritious healthy dishes. Let us have a look at some of their famous dishes. Subs/Sandwiches are considered as one of the prominent and famous menu from Good cents subs and pastas. This is a delicious menu of bread slices which are furnished by meat and cheese. Another famous dish is Pasta. This is a preparation of sauce and meat

Fuzzy Boundaries in HIV Stigma

Fuzzy Boundaries in HIV Stigma Fuzzy Boundaries in the Conceptualization of HIV Stigma: Moving Towards a More Unified Construct Currently, there are 36.7 million people living with HIV (PLWH) worldwide (WHO, 2017). HIV-related stigma continues to be a major concern for PLWH in the United States and overseas (Baugher et al., 2017; Bogart et al., 2008; Herek, Capitanio, & Widaman, 2002; X. Li, Wang, Williams, & He, 2009; Odindo & Mwanthi, 2008) with more than 50% of men and women reporting discriminatory attitudes toward PLWH among countries with data available (UNAIDS, 2015). This is particularly disconcerting given that HIV-related stigma has shown to be associated with negative outcomes in the physical and mental health of PLWH, higher levels of HIV stigma being correlated with higher depression symptoms (L. Li, Lee, Thammawijaya, Jiraphongsa, & Rotheram-Borus, 2009; Onyebuchi-Iwudibia & Brown, 2014; Rao et al., 2012), lower adherence to antiretroviral therapy (Katz et al., 2013), and less access and usage of social and healthcare services (Chambers et al., 2015; Rueda et al., 2016). In general, HIV-related stigma has focused on the individual experience of stigma by PLWH and has been conceptualized into three different types (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009; Nyblade, 2006): the fear of negative attitudes, judgment, and discrimination from HIV status and serostatus disclosure (perceived stigma), the acceptance of negative stereotypes associated with HIV as part of the self or identity (internalized stigma), and the actual experience of discrimination by PLWH (enacted stigma). More recently, some conceptualizations have highlighted the importance of considering HIV-related stigma beyond the individual context as stigma is a social process, a pattern of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that influence change and growth in society (Deacon, 2006; Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). This recent shift has led researchers to propose several revisions to the HIV stigma construct. In particular, they argue that HIV-related stigma should be distinguished from discrimination (Deacon, 2006) and that it should be measured at structural and institutional levels (Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). Since the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma has practical implications on how it is studied, measured, and treated, the purpose of this paper is to review the validity of the proposed revisions. It will be argued that despite there being a strong theoretical basis for both changes to the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma, psychometric research suggests that enacted stigma should not be removed from the construct, but that HIV-related stigma should be measured across socio-ecological levels. Theoretical Implications of HIV Stigma as a Social Process A majority of the stigma literature derives from the work of sociologist, Erving Goffman. His original theory viewed stigma as a social process (Goffman, 1963), which has important implications on the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma, as research in this area has primarily focused on the construct at an individual level.     Ã‚   Stigma as a Social Process The conceptualization of HIV-related stigma often departs from the definition proposed by Goffman. Goffman defined stigma as â€Å"an attribute that is deeply discrediting† according to society, which diminishes the stigmatized individual from â€Å"a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one† (Goffman, 1963). Although Goffman acknowledged the role of society in stigmatization, researchers limit their definition of HIV stigma and cite sections from Goffman that emphasize stigma as an internal or individual level construct (Link & Phelan, 2001; Parker & Aggleton, 2003). Notably, they highlight how the â€Å"deviant† or â€Å"undesirable difference† of stigma leads to the assumption of a â€Å"spoilt identity† (Goffman, 1963). This operationalization is significant because it implies that the negative value of stigma comes from the individual instead of society. Inherent within Goffman’s definition was the understanding that stigma is a socially constructed concept. He qualified that even though stigma would refer to â€Å"an attribute† it actually was a â€Å"language of relationships† that was required (Goffman, 1963). In other words, Goffman argued that society determines what is â€Å"discrediting† and thereby develops a structure that delineates how the bearers of stigma are devalued across their social relationships. Subsequently, similar to development in Bronfenbrenner’s ecosystem theory (1997), stigma could be seen more as a dynamic social process that is constantly changing over time (Parker & Aggleton, 2003). HIV Stigma and Discrimination When HIV stigma is considered as a social process, the fuzzy boundary between HIV stigma and discrimination becomes clearer. Discrimination highlights the perpetrators of stigmatization, whereas stigma refers to the targets of these negative behaviors (Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Sayce, 1998). This distinction is important as it has broader social implications in determining who is responsible for stigmatization (Sayce, 1998). By differentiating HIV-related stigma from discrimination, it focuses the blame on the social processes involved with stigmatization rather than on the individual. Deacon (2006) also argues how including discrimination within the construct of HIV-related stigma constitutes conceptual inflation. Within the stigma literature, discrimination is operationalized as an end result of stigma (Jacoby, 1994; Nyblade, 2006) such that the term â€Å"stigma† becomes synonymous with â€Å"both the stigmatizing beliefs themselves and the effects of†¦stigmatization processes† (Deacon, 2006). This definition limits the understanding about the unique effects of stigma because it becomes unclear whether discrimination mediates the association between stigma and various health outcomes. In all, there is a practical and theoretical basis for differentiating HIV stigma from discrimination. HIV Stigma at the Structural Level Since Goffman, researchers have expounded upon the sociological aspects of his theory to include the structural conditions that influence stigma. Link and Phelan (2001) describe how stigmatization can only occur when â€Å"labeling, stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination† happens within the context of an imbalance in power. In other words, all individuals, including those that are stigmatized, can engage in processes related to the stigmatization. Link and Phelan (2001) discuss an example where an individual with mental illness could stereotype one of their clinicians as a â€Å"pill-pusher.† While the person might treat the   clinician differently on the basis of this stereotype, without any economic, social, cultural, and political power, the individual cannot enact detrimental consequences against the clinician, and therefore the clinician and his or her identifying group would not be stigmatized (Link & Phelan, 2001). For PLWH, Parker and Aggleton (2003) further specify that stigmatization is not only contingent upon these social inequities, but that stigma also serves to strengthen and perpetuate differences in structural power and control. In particular, they argue that stigma increases existing power differentials through devaluing groups and heightening the feelings of superiority in others. In recognizing that stigma functions at structural and institutional levels, Park and Aggleton (2003) believe that stigma is a central component in   Based on these theories, it has been proposed that HIV stigma be measured at the structural and institutional level (Mahajan et al., 2008). Measurement of HIV Stigma Knowledge and understanding about HIV stigma is predicated on researchers’ ability to reliably and accurately measure the construct. In turn, even though there is theory to support the differentiation of HIV stigma from discrimination and the measurement of HIV stigma at the structural level, a review of relevant psychometric research is necessary to validate these revisions to the HIV-related stigma construct. HIV Stigma Scale The HIV Stigma Scale developed by Berger, Ferrans, and Lashley (2001) is the most commonly used stigma measure for PLWH (Sayles et al., 2008). It has a total of 40 items scored on a Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree) with higher scores indicating higher levels of stigma. The internal consistency of the measure has been reliable with different populations, including African Americans (Rao, Pryor, Gaddist, & Mayer, 2008; Wright, Naar-King, Lam, Templin, & Frey, 2007) and PLWH in rural New England (Bunn, Solomon, Miller, & Forehand, 2007). More recently, the HIV Stigma Scale was adapted for use in South India and demonstrated high reliability and validity (Jeyaseelan et al., 2013).    Psychometric Evidence for Measuring HIV Stigma as a Social Process Construct validity for the HIV Stigma Scale is supported by associations with related measures (Berger, Ferrans, & Lashley, 2001). In terms of measuring HIV stigma as a social process, the total HIV stigma scores and the subscale scores on the HIV Stigma Scale show moderate negative correlations with social support availability, social support validation, and subjective social integrations, as well as moderate positive correlations with social conflict. Similar relationships were found between HIV stigma and social support in a meta-analysis by Rueda et al., (2016), higher HIV stigma being associated with lower social support across studies. Overall, there seems to be preliminary evidence that HIV stigma should be conceptualized as a social process. Psychometric Evidence against Chancing the Current Construct of HIV Stigma Through exploratory factor analysis, Berger et al., (2001) determined that there were four interrelated factors from the HIV Stigma Scale: personalized stigma, disclosure concerns, concern with public attitudes toward people with HIV, and negative self-image. These factors could be recoded using current conceptualization of HIV stigma such that personalized stigma is enacted stigma, disclosure concerns and concerns with public attitudes toward people with HIV is perceived stigma, and negative self-image is internalized stigma (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). Further analysis by Berger et al., (2001) led to the extraction of one higher-order factor. While this provided further evidence of construct validity for the HIV Stigma Scale, if considered within the context of the recoded factors, it would indicate that enacted stigma should not be removed from the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma. Psychometric Measurement of HIV-Related Stigma at Structural Levels Research on the measurement of HIV-related stigma at structural and institutional levels is sparse and limited (Chan & Reidpath, 2005; Mahajan et al., 2008). Of the studies available, only descriptive information is provided on the experience of structural stigma for PLWH (Biradavolu, Blankenship, Jena, & Dhungana, 2012; Yang, Zhang, Chan, & Reidpath, 2005). Within the larger stigma literature itself, very few researchers have considered measuring stigma across different socio-ecological levels (Gee, 2008; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2014). However, there has been growing evidence to suggest that structural levels of stigma are associated with individuals levels of stigma (Evans-Lacko, Brohan, Mojtabai, & Thornicroft, 2012; Pachankis et al., 2015). In their study, Evans-Lacko et al., (2012) attempted to examine the relationships between structural and individual levels of mental illness stigma in 14 European countries. To do so, they combined two international datasets (the Eurobarometer survey and the Global Alliance of Advocacy Networks study) and compared public attitudes related to mental illness with individual measures of internalized stigma, empowerment, and perceived discrimination among individuals diagnosed with a mental disorder. Evans-Lacko and his colleagues (2012) found that people with mental illness in countries with more positive attitudes (lower structural stigma) reported lower rates of internalized stigma and perceived discrimination than in countries with higher levels of structural stigma. Even though both datasets were cross-sectional, limiting casual inferences from the study, the results indicate that there are associations between the measurement of structural and individual levels of stigma (Evans-Lacko et al., 2012; Major, Dovidio, & Link, 2017). In all, there needs to be more research to validate the measurement of HIV-related stigma at structural and institutional levels. Limitations Due to the lack of experimental research on enacted and structural HIV stigma (Mahajan et al., 2008; Nyblade, 2006), relevant studies in this area may suffer from a file drawer problem. In other words, the prevalence of significant results could be inflated given that there are no incentives for publishing non-significant findings. Moreover, a majority of HIV stigma studies utilize a correlational design, and so the directionality of these associations cannot be determined. Thus, even though the understanding of HIV stigma has improved, the effect size and causality of relationships within the construct require further analysis and clarification. Another limitation is that there is heterogeneity in the conceptualization and measurement of HIV-related stigma, which makes it difficult to compare and contrast results (Grossman & Stangl, 2013). Across HIV stigma assessments, researchers measure enacted, perceived, and internalized stigma, suggesting that these are important factors in the conceptualization of HIV-related stigma (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). However, many measures conflate different constructs with HIV-related stigma and include it in a single scale or subscale (Herek et al., 2002; Kalichman et al., 2009; Visser, Kershaw, Makin, & Forsyth, 2008). This indicates that there still might be ambiguity in terms of how HIV-related stigma is operationalized.   One final limitation is that the high internal consistency of the HIV Stigma Scale (Berger et al., 2001) could be reflective of an attenuation paradox (Clark & Watson, 1995). For example, the factors of disclosure concern and concern with public attitudes toward people with HIV might be redundant. Both factors represent and can be recoded as aspects of perceived stigma (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). While the HIV Stigma Scale might be reliable and internally consistent, the high correlations between the items on the scale might compromise construct validity of Implications A common conceptualization of HIV stigma is fundamental for future research, assessment, and treatment (Deacon, 2006; Grossman & Stangl, 2013; Mahajan et al., 2008). Without a unified construct of stigma, progress in the field of HIV-related stigma will continue to be impeded by a lack of standardization and incremental validity. The absence of meta-analyses within the literature provides evidence of the difficulty in parsing through the heterogeneity of the HIV stigma construct (Grossman & Stangl, 2013). Future research, then, should prioritize reaching a working consensus on the conceptualization of HIV stigma and developing an agenda that ensures consistent application of that conceptualization across studies. From this common conceptualization of HIV-related stigma, current measures such as the HIV Stigma Scale should be refined (Berger et al., 2001). While convergent validity has been tested through correlations with related measures and constructs (Berger et al., 2001; Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009), more research should focus on the strengthening the discriminant validity of these measures. Specifically regarding the HIV Stigma Scale, given that several of the items load onto multiple scales of the measure (Berger et al., 2001; Rao et al., 2008), future revisions should work on improving item discrimination (Sayles et al., 2008). By refining the measures of HIV stigma in conjunction with the conceptualization of HIV stigma, the operationalization of the different HIV stigma types can be improved. In addition, it is necessary to develop complementary measures to assess HIV-related stigma at structural and institutional levels (Chan & Reidpath, 2005; Deacon, 2006; Mahajan et al., 2008). Research efforts within the field of mental illness and stigma could be leveraged to formulate these assessments (see structural stigma section). While it is important to understand the impact of HIV stigma across a variety of social contexts, it is impractical to begin efforts into this area simply by conducting a large number of studies in different environments. Initial efforts should focus on targeting a smaller range of institutions that have presented unique challenges towards PLWH in the past such as healthcare and then build additional measurements out from there if necessary (Chan & Reidpath, 2005). From a more practical perspective, interventions for HIV-related stigma need to address the discriminatory behaviors experienced by PLWH. Despite significant heterogeneity in the HIV stigma literature (Grossman & Stangl, 2013), enacted stigma is a factor that is seen across various measurements and operationalizations of the construct (Earnshaw & Chaudoir, 2009). In terms of treatment outcomes, reducing discrimination against PLWH could have important implications as enacted stigma is negatively correlated with indicators of physical health, including CD4 count and chronic illness comorbidity (Earnshaw, Smith, Chaudoir, Amico, & Copenhaver, 2013). Thus, future intervention research should work on addressing enacted stigma as a specific domain of HIV stigma, measuring enacted stigma consistently across studies, and testing its predictive validity for treatment, care, and prevention outcomes for PLWH (Grossman & Stangl, 2013).   Conclusion Based on the current nomological net, HIV-related stigma should not be differentiated from discrimination. However, there is a need to measure HIV-related stigma in structural and institutional contexts. HIV stigma is a social process that works at the individual level, but the stigmatized person may not be the most important determinant in the development of stigma. Several researchers have theorized that stigmatization is contingent on structural inequities (Link & Phelan, 2001; Mahajan et al., 2008; Parker & Aggleton, 2003) such that interventions that only target stigma and discrimination may ameliorate the negative physical and mental health outcomes associated with stigma, but not address the entire problem and construct (Chan & Reidpath, 2005). Ultimately, more research is required in order to measure HIV-related stigma across socio-ecological levels (Bronfenbrenner, 1977; Grossman & Stangl, 2013). Given the heterogeneity and lack of standardization within the HIV stigma literature, it is imperative that researchers in this field understand that science and test validity holds social power and influence. Measurement and psychometrics can drive change in social policy and ideology within society (Messick, 1995). While it is easy to rely on the eminence and eloquence associated with the label of science (Isaacs & Fitzgerald, 1999), researchers have an ethical commitment to follow rigorous standards of empiricism because their work can impact the lives of people. This commitment should be true for all people, but especially for groups like PLWH that continue to suffer from stigmatization. References Baugher, A. R., Beer, L., Fagan, J. L., Mattson, C. L., Freedman, M., Skarbinski, J., & Shouse, R. L. (2017). Prevalence of Internalized HIV-Related Stigma Among HIV-Infected Adults in Care, United States, 2011–2013. AIDS and behavior, 21(9), 2600-2608. doi:10.1007/s10461-017-1712-y Berger, B. E., Ferrans, C. E., & Lashley, F. R. (2001). Measuring stigma in people with HIV: psychometric assessment of the HIV stigma scale. Res Nurs Health, 24(6), 518-529. Biradavolu, M. R., Blankenship, K. M., Jena, A., & Dhungana, N. (2012). Structural stigma, sex work and HIV: contradictions and lessons learnt from a community-led structural intervention in southern India. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 66(Suppl 2), ii95. Bogart, L. M., Cowgill, B. O., Kennedy, D., Ryan, G., Murphy, D. A., Elijah, J., & Schuster, M. A. (2008). HIV-related stigma among people with HIV and their families: a qualitative analysis. AIDS Behav, 12(2), 244-254. doi:10.1007/s10461-007-9231-x Bronfenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American psychologist, 32(7), 513. Bunn, J. Y., Solomon, S. E., Miller, C., & Forehand, R. (2007). Measurement of Stigma in People with HIV: A Reexamination of the HIV Stigma Scale. AIDS Education and Prevention, 19(3), 198-208. doi:10.1521/aeap.2007.19.3.198 Chambers, L. A., Rueda, S., Baker, D. N., Wilson, M. G., Deutsch, R., Raeifar, E., . . . Team, T. S. R. (2015). Stigma, HIV and health: a qualitative synthesis. BMC Public Health, 15, 848. doi:10.1186/s12889-015-2197-0 Chan, K. Y., & Reidpath, D. D. (2005). Future research on structural and institutional forms of HIV discrimination. AIDS Care, 17(sup2), 215-218. doi:10.1080/09540120500120005 Clark, L. A., & Watson, D. (1995). Constructing validity: Basic issues in objective scale development. Psychological assessment, 7(3), 309. Deacon, H. (2006). Towards a sustainable theory of health-related stigma: lessons from the HIV/AIDS literature. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 16(6), 418-425. doi:10.1002/casp.900 Earnshaw, V. A., & Chaudoir, S. R. (2009). From Conceptualizing to Measuring HIV Stigma: A Review of HIV Stigma Mechanism Measures. AIDS and behavior, 13(6), 1160-1177. doi:10.1007/s10461-009-9593-3 Earnshaw, V. A., Smith, L. R., Chaudoir, S. R., Amico, K. R., & Copenhaver, M. M. (2013). HIV Stigma Mechanisms and Well-Being among PLWH: A Test of the HIV Stigma Framework. AIDS and behavior, 17(5), 1785-1795. doi:10.1007/s10461-013-0437-9 Evans-Lacko, S., Brohan, E., Mojtabai, R., & Thornicroft, G. (2012). Association between public views of mental illness and self-stigma among individuals with mental illness in 14 European countries. Psychol Med, 42(8), 1741-1752. doi:10.1017/s0033291711002558 Gee, G. C. (2008). A multilevel analysis of the relationship between institutional and individual racial discrimination and health status. Am J Public Health, 98(9 Suppl), S48-56. Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma; notes on the management of spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Grossman, C. I., & Stangl, A. L. (2013). Global action to reduce HIV stigma and discrimination. Journal of the International AIDS Society, 16(3Suppl 2), 18881. doi:10.7448/IAS.16.3.18881 Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Bellatorre, A., Lee, Y., Finch, B. K., Muennig, P., & Fiscella, K. (2014). Structural stigma and all-cause mortality in sexual minority populations. Soc Sci Med, 103, 33-41. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2013.06.005 Herek, G. M., Capitanio, J. P., & Widaman, K. F. (2002). HIV-Related Stigma and Knowledge in the United States: Prevalence and Trends, 1991–1999. American Journal of Public Health, 92(3), 371-377. doi:10.2105/ajph.92.3.371 Isaacs, D., & Fitzgerald, D. (1999). Seven alternatives to evidence based medicine. BMJ, 319(7225), 1618. doi:10.1136/bmj.319.7225.1618 Jacoby, A. (1994). Felt versus enacted stigma: a concept revisited. Evidence from a study of people with epilepsy in remission. Soc Sci Med, 38(2), 269-274. Jeyaseelan, L., Kumar, S., Mohanraj, R., Rebekah, G., Rao, D., & Manhart, L. E. (2013). Assessing HIV/AIDS stigma in south India: validation and abridgement of the Berger HIV Stigma scale. AIDS Behav, 17(1), 434-443. doi:10.1007/s10461-011-0128-3 Kalichman, S. C., Simbayi, L. C., Cloete, A., Mthembu, P. P., Mkhonta, R. N., & Ginindza, T. (2009). Measuring AIDS stigmas in people living with HIV/AIDS: the Internalized AIDS-Related Stigma Scale. AIDS Care, 21(1), 87-93. doi:10.1080/09540120802032627 Katz, I. T., Ryu, A. E., Onuegbu, A. G., Psaros, C., Weiser, S. D., Bangsberg, D. R., & Tsai, A. C. (2013). Impact of HIV-related stigma on treatment adherence: systematic review and meta-synthesis. Journal of the International AIDS Society, 16(3Suppl 2), 18640. doi:10.7448/IAS.16.3.18640 Li, L., Lee, S.-J., Thammawijaya, P., Jiraphongsa, C., & Rotheram-Borus, M. J. (2009). Stigma, social support, and depression among people living with HIV in Thailand. AIDS Care, 21(8), 1007-1013. doi:10.1080/09540120802614358 Li, X., Wang, H., Williams, A., & He, G. (2009). Stigma reported by people living with HIV in south central China. J Assoc Nurses AIDS Care, 20(1), 22-30. doi:10.1016/j.jana.2008.09.007 Link, B. G., & Phelan, J. C. (2001). Conceptualizing Stigma. Annual Review of Sociology, 27(1), 363-385. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.27.1.363 Mahajan, A. P., Sayles, J. N., Patel, V. A., Remien, R. H., Ortiz, D., Szekeres, G., & Coates, T. J. (2008). Stigma in the HIV/AIDS epidemic: A review of the literature and recommendations for the way forward. AIDS (London, England), 22(Suppl 2), S67-S79. doi:10.1097/01.aids.0000327438.13291.62 Major, B., Dovidio, J. F., & Link, B. G. (2017). The Oxford Handbook of Stigma, Discrimination, and Health: Oxford University Press. Messick, S. (1995). Validity of psychological assessment: Validation of inferences from persons’ responses and performance as scientific inquiry into score meaning (Vol. 50). Nyblade, L. C. (2006). Measuring HIV stigma: existing knowledge and gaps. Psychology, Health & Medicine, 11(3), 335-345. Odindo, M. A., & Mwanthi, M. A. (2008). Role of governmental and non-governmental organizations in mitigation of stigma and discrimination among HIV/AIDS persons in Kibera, Kenya. East Afr J Public Health, 5(1), 1-5. Onyebuchi-Iwudibia, O., & Brown, A. (2014). HIV and depression in eastern Nigeria: The role of HIV-related stigma. AIDS Care, 26(5), 653-657. doi:10.1080/09540121.2013.844761 Pachankis, J. E., Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Hickson, F., Weatherburn, P., Berg, R. C., Marcus, U., & Schmidt, A. J. (2015). Hidden from health: structural stigma, sexual orientation concealment, and HIV across 38 countries in the European MSM Internet Survey. Aids, 29(10), 1239-1246. doi:10.1097/qad.0000000000000724 Parker, R., & Aggleton, P. (2003). HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination: a conceptual framework and implications for action. Soc Sci Med, 57(1), 13-24. Rao, D., Chen, W. T., Pearson, C. R., Simoni, J. M., Fredriksen-Goldsen, K., & Nelson, K. (2012). Social support mediates the relationship between HIV stigma and depression/quality of life among people living with HIV in Beijing. China. Int J STD AIDS., 23. doi:10.1258/ijsa.2009.009428 Rao, D., Pryor, J. B., Gaddist, B. W., & Mayer, R. (2008). Stigma, secrecy, and discrimination: ethnic/racial differences in the concerns of people living with HIV/AIDS. AIDS Behav, 12(2), 265-271. doi:10.1007/s10461-007-9268-x Rueda, S., Mitra, S., Chen, S., Gogolishvili, D., Globerman, J., Chambers, L., . . . Rourke, S. B. (2016). Examining the associations between HIV-related stigma and health outcomes in people living with HIV/AIDS: a series of meta-analyses. BMJ Open, 6(7), e011453. doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011453 Sayles, J. N., Hays, R. D., Sarkisian, C. A., Mahajan, A. P., Spritzer, K. L., & Cunningham, W. E. (2008). Development and Psychometric Assessment of a Multidimensional Measure of Internalized HIV Stigma in a sample of HIV-positive Adults. AIDS and behavior, 12(5), 748-758. doi:10.1007/s10461-008-9375-3 UNAIDS. (2015). On the Fast-Track to end AIDS by 2030: Focus on location and population. Retrieved from http://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/WAD2015_report_en_part01.pdf Visser, M. J., Kershaw, T., Makin, J. D., & Forsyth, B. W. C. (2008). Development of parallel scales to measure HIV-related stigma. AIDS and behavior, 12(5), 759-771. doi:10.1007/s10461-008-9363-7 WHO. (2017, July ). HIV AIDS: Fact Sheet. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs360/en/ Wright, K., Naar-King, S., Lam, P., Templin, T., & Frey, M. (2007). Stigma Scale Revised: Reliability and Validity of a Brief Measure of Stigma For HIV + Youth. J Adolesc Health, 40(1), 96-98. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2006.08.001 Yang, Y., Zhang, K., Chan, K. Y., & Reidpath, D. D. (2005). Institutional and structural forms of HIV-related discrimination in health care: a study set in Beijing. AIDS Care, 17, S129-140.

Ambiguity and Equivocation in Macbeth :: Free Macbeth Essays

Ambiguity and Equivocation in Macbeth Macbeth's voluntary misinterpretation of the ambiguity and equivocation of the witches relates to the play's theme, which states that uncontrolled desire for power often leads to irregular or violent actions, resulting in death and or destruction. After the first of the witches' prophecies comes true, Macbeth begins to believe in their truth. However, he also believes that the prophecies must all lead to his enrichment and empowerment. To that end, he twists the witches' words to fit his own purposes, ignoring the possibility that the prophecies might have other, less fortunate meanings. This voluntary misinterpretation, committed in pursuit of power, leads Macbeth to perform certain actions which result in the death of the king, Macbeth's friends, and eventually his own death. From the beginning of the play, Macbeth desires great power. Lady Macbeth's statement to Macbeth that "When you durst do it, then you were a man;" (I.vii.55) suggests that she and Macbeth have contemplated and possibly committed murder for the sake of advancement before. Macbeth provides further support for this in his reaction to the witches' prophecy that he will be king. After Macbeth is made Thane of Cawdor, he realizes that the witches were right, and immediately begins to ponder the other part of their prophecy. "My thought, whose murder yet is but fantastical," (I.iii.153) he thinks, bringing murder to the front of his mind almost as soon as the witches are proven right. Later in the play, Macbeth's desire for power, encouraged by the witches, leads him to kill the king and assume the throne. Macbeth and his wife use ambiguity and equivocation themselves in pursuit of power. All our service / In every point twice done, and then done double, / Were poor and single business to contend / Against those honors deep and broad wherewith / Your Majesty loads our house. (I.vi.17-21) With this announcement, Lady Macbeth states that if all she could do in his service had been done four times over, it still would not do honor to the king. The ambiguous nature of this statement is that it is true even though she has not done everything she could. It is true, and so she gains the king's trust and goodwill through ambiguous honesty even though she plans to help Macbeth murder him. Macbeth issues a similar statement in the king's presence; he tells him "I'll be myself the harbinger, and make joyful the hearing of my wife with your approach;" his statement, like Lady Macbeth's, is technically true, but bears murderous intent. He will tell

Mathematics essay

In Wikipedia (2007), Mathematics is defined as â€Å"the body of knowledge centered on concepts such as quantity, structure, space, and change, and also the academic discipline that studies them.† In general, mathematicians seek out patterns whether found in numbers, space, science, computers, abstracts, etc. Often comparing mathematics to music and poetry, it is an interesting fact that many mathematicians find aesthetic beauty in studying math, even describing it as an â€Å"art form.† Quoting the famous philosopher and mathematician Bertrand Russell, â€Å"mathematics possesses not only truth, but supreme beauty†¦.†Mathematics is all around the world we live in. The day we came into this world, we were born into a world of numbers — from our birthday to our APGAR scores, the exact time we were born to the number of our toes. Growing up, we were introduced to math when we started counting the ten little Indians with our fingers, eventually leading u s to its more complex nature by solving logarithms with the command of our scientific calculators. Studying math and living with it day in and out oftentimes makes this subject taken for granted. But come to think of it, math makes one think in a way no other field can stimulate one’s intellect.Because of math, we have acquired, if not mastered, the application of logical thinking in all things practical. Mathematics in our century has a very minute, if at all, margin for error. What’s ten is ten, and an apple plus an apple equals two apples. It’s this or that, no grey areas in between. Although contrary to the opinion that math is not a closed intellectual system, in which everything has already been worked out, the mere existence of math compels us to have a black and white perspective of the world. The notion of grey areas is an area that to this day the learned are constantly exploring.Looking at history, the British mathematician Charles Babbage who origina ted the idea of a programmable computer was said to have spent his family fortune in search of the answer to mechanize computation. He was quoted as â€Å"obsessed† with the pursuit of eliminating the inaccuracy of human calculation. The discontent that he had with the probability of human error to a large extent shows that great thinkers predominately believe that the exact explanation of things we want to understand in this world is within math’s reach. Great intellects like Babbage and other legendary mathematicians of our time prove that there is a possibility of defining all empirical things in mathematical terms.Even symbols used in math can be described as a language unique in itself. Mathematical notation in the modern world consists of strict syntax and encoded information that will otherwise be difficult to write in another way. These are only few of many examples illustrating the black and white perspective that math gives us. As with science, math makes you think logically, seeking out precise explanations for possibly everything calculable. What makes it remarkably unique though is that the rationale behind the accuracy of findings in math is not as easy to disprove as those in other fields.The myriad of disciplines that have stemmed from mathematics such as applied mathematics, statistics, and mathematical economics, among others, serve as the different venues for utilizing math as a means of solving real-world problems. But I believe that I need not be a brilliant mathematician to know that one-half of four is two, nor would I need software to count the exact number of days left before Christmas. Needless to say, the basic use of mathematics is an integral part of our life. It enables us to calculate not only the definite answers to complicated mathematical problems, but it also teaches us that in every problem, there is a right and wrong answer.There are no maybes. Unlike essays, there are no half-point systems in your math test a nswers, it’s either your answer is correct or it is wrong. That’s why in approaching things in real life, we do not content ourselves dealing with half-baked questions and half-hearted answers, nor are we satisfied with â€Å"what-could-have-beens.† In our efforts to strike a balance in our existence, we hardly accommodate room for unanswered questions. Just as a toddler naturally asks us with the never ending why, so is our infinite obsession for seeking the right answers to our questions inherent in our nature as humans. After all, despite the clichà © that it is, we don’t want to leave room for grey areas.REFERENCE:Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mathematics (25 Feb. 2007).

Ethnic Relations Essay

ETHNIC RELATIONS PAPER â€Å"We don’t want you here anymore white principal,† (Roberts 2) such misanthropical acts and slanders have been committed against thousands of people, almost every single day, here in the U. S. In fact, there have been many volatile arguments on the constitutional rights of ethnicity. Paul Craig Roberts believes that mass immigration will endanger American society. On the other side of the story is Professor Lipsitz, who believes that we must overcome racial and ethnic boundaries despite differences. Ethnicity has an immense and immeasurable influence on mass immigration, racial and ethnic boundaries, but all this must be condoned when it comes down to ethnic relations. Ethnicity has a significant impact on mass immigration. â€Å"One can make a replica of the joys of traveling and sight-seeing by just walking down neighborhood streets of D. C. Beltway† (Roberts 2). Immigration policies have made considerable changes to the makeup of U. S. residents. Around the years of 1965 the democrats changed immigration laws in hopes that the Asian and Hispanic voters would take part in a ballot in favor of the democrats. This ultimately led to a chain reaction. With this new policy taking place, native-born citizens were becoming â€Å"ethnically cleansed† (Roberts 2). Many of us may view immigrants as contributors to the diverse â€Å"melting pot†, but the melting pot is out of the question when countless new immigrants have higher statuses than those of native-born citizens! The U. S. keeps taking 1. 2 million immigrants annually, but keep in mind that most of the immigrants that enter, are coming in illegally. In this situation, homogeneous culture has ultimately become the victim. Recently a federal judge claimed that out of one hundred new citizens, there was a bare minimum of five true Europeans (Roberts 1). While Robert was still a child and growing, he and many northerners had the greatest respect towards General Robert E. Lee, but a while ago El-Amin, an immigrant, compared General Robert E. Lee to Hitler and had a mural of him removed (Roberts 3). Will the lack of good-will toward the American culture mean that portraits of President George Washington will be removed too? If the accumulation of immigrants can lead to the final end to the American culture, we must tamper with this topic, once more (Roberts 3). Areas by the ocean, merchants sell live crabs, crabs whose heart is still beating and whose brain is still functioning. These merchants display these animals in open barrels. The crabs always try to escape, but no matter what they can’t. As soon as one crab fails, others always still try. When we try to evade sexism, and racism, we usually discover ourselves in a crab’s shoe. We may try as hard as we want, but we will be pulled in the never ending cycle of despair (Lipsitz 1). Many people work to stop such misanthropical crimes. Professor Lipsitz, a teacher at University of California in San Diego, who believes that we must step up and over-look racial minorities, so that we may create a better society. All racialized groups suffer from environmental racism, cancer, lead poisoning, and childhood malnutrition. Many of these people also suffer from unemployment in Asia, Mexico, and Central America. Under these conditions, professor Lipsitz believes we must form inter-ethnic anti-racism as a tactical essential. Alliances across racial boundaries offer some obvious advantages, they produce strength in numbers, and they are more likely to help towards the future. â€Å"Angela Davis points to workers centers like Asian Immigrant Women Advocates, and lives but not just, class, racial, or gender identities. Such centers also protest against domestic violence, legal advice, and divorce† (Lipsitz 2). Because there is no possible way to improve Asian American immigrant workers and because entrepreneurs are often part of the problem, these efforts will automatically lead to inter-ethnic alliances. Inter-ethnic anti-racism enables many aggrieved groups to focus on oppression, and may show that racialized groups are not just at a disadvantage but are being taken advantage of. Inter-ethnic anti-racism is one way we can see the world as another perspective, rather than our false interpretations. The years 2000-2004 have been a critical moment for everyone, of every cultural belonging. In 2001, Al Qaeda launched a sky attack and crashed a plane on the Twin Towers, killing hundreds of innocent people. Soon, the government started to test people, and determine if they work for Al Qaeda. More than half the time, these government officials deport these immigrants due to racism, or fear, and these deportees became the crabs in the barrel. These misanthropical acts have occurred everywhere, not only in the United States of America. Sri Lanka’s ethnic relations are characterized by periodic disharmony. Since independence, estranged relations between the Sinhalese and the Tamils have continued in the political arena. Intensifying grievances of the latter group against the Sinhalese-dominated governments culminated in the late 1970s in a demand by the Tamil United Liberation Front, the main political party of that community, for an independent Tamil state comprising the northern and eastern provinces. This demand grew increasingly militant and eventually evolved into a separatist war featured by acts of terrorism. The violence to which the Tamils living in Sinhalese-majority areas were subjected in 1983 contributed to this escalation of the conflict. The secessionist demand itself has met with resistance from the other ethnic groups. As long as people have a jealous attitude or behavior, than this ethnic issue could reach out of hand. Literature writer Alan Paton wrote a book called, â€Å"Cry, the Beloved Country†. This book is about a story of Stephen Kumalo and his son Absalom set against the background of a land and people driven by racial injustice. â€Å"Because the white man has power, we too want power† (Paton 70). As long as people have this mentality, injustice will throb in each and every person, like a beating heart. Ethnicity varies from person to person. One may be racist towards a group, but no matter the condition anything of this matter must be condoned. When we forget our differences and unite, nothing can stop us from achieving desirable goals. Our world is an imperfect place, and one could throw bricks and stones in many different directions, as even towards a group of people. There are those who believe immigrants consist entirely of destruction, but the problem is that there is no possible way to assume each and every type of ethnic issues that man can devise. There is a truth to the statement that any variable affects another. If you look determinedly enough, you will find that any variable affects the behavior to something that is being examined. One must be able to skim over what is important and what is not relevant to the problem, in this case ethnic relations. Ethnicity should be condoned when it creates a problem or a disturbance in any matter, important or minor.